“The
White House staff is similar to a holding company with a large
collection of offices, each of which has its own set of: (a)
responsibilities; (b) constituents and (c) work flows.” [Mitt
Romney Inc.: The White House That Never Was, Time Magazine, 2nd Jun
2013] Unfortunately, it was not to be. Still, it’s interesting how
the team’s thinking process went. “It is a holding company
with three main divisions: (a) “Care & Feeding Offices,” like
speechwriting; (b) “Policy Offices,” like the National Security
Council, and (c) “Packaging & Selling Offices,” like the
office of the press secretary.”
“Among
the recommendations for the Romney administration: (a)
Corporate-style training seminars were planned for appointees and
nominees before the inauguration to teach management skills; (b) A
plan to restructure White House operations to suit Romney’s
corporate management style, with clear deliverables; (c) Detailed
flow charts delineating how information and decisions were
disseminated through the administration to achieve “unity;” and
(d) Plans to evaluate Cabinet secretaries’ performance by
“systematically assessing the efforts of their departments in
contributing to [Romney's] priorities and objectives, perhaps by a
newly created ”deputy chief of staff for Cabinet oversight.”
In
this blog I have been talking about my Eastern European friends and
how a once small enterprise in the middle of nowhere “could spread
their presence in numerous countries in the relatively short period
of ten years” – and, more importantly, that many of the thinking
in the private sector could be adapted for the public sector.
Romney's presidency could have been "the consultancy presidency"
and Bush 44 was supposed to be "the MBA presidency." Except
that with Cheney as the quarterback, Bush’s became "the
ideology presidency" – and brought the world to what is now
regarded as a ‘war of choice.’ In the case of Clinton, Bentsen as
the architect (and then Rubin) was able to craft Clinton’s "the
economy presidency" – or better known as: “It’s the
economy, stupid!”
The
bottom line: even the American forward-thinking mode isn’t a
guarantee that a presidency would be a success especially when
extreme ideology infects the thinking process. It is difficult to
dissect a non-existent Romney presidency in particular if he would
have been under the influence of the extreme right. And as many had
sensed, it was because of his fear of offending this wing that he
couldn’t articulate a more centrist posture or, much less, a
progressive one like he did when he was Massachusetts governor –
where universal health care was the feather in his cap.
But
clearly Romney’s team embraced the wisdom of borrowing management
systems from the private sector. And what can we in PHL take away
from that? When Romney’s team talks of a “White House operations
with clear deliverables,” for example, it doesn’t mean doing road
shows to attract investors or inviting them over – whether they’re
in Switzerland or Myanmar? A deliverable would be: “raising FDIs to
PHL to $8 billion each year," for instance. The common
misconception is that “an activity” is a deliverable, but it is a
tangible outcome that defines a deliverable. Another imperative from
the Romney team is “achieving unity” via “flow charts
delineating how information and decisions are disseminated.” In
the case of the current PHL administration, within the economic
cluster, for example, debates between departments are done via press
releases, and focused on “activity” as opposed to “deliverables.”
For instance, the activity of raising tax collections is a given
(granted it demands tough-mindedness) but a predicate is a must –
which is precisely what the 7 strategic industries in “Arangkada
Philippines 2010” are about; and they are then meant to deliver
over $100 billion in incremental GDP.
Once
these deliverables are clear to everyone, then as the Romney team has
described, there will be “a systematic assessment of the efforts”
of the different departments. Yet even before any assessments are
conducted, “there must be corporate-style training seminars for
appointees and nominees before the inauguration – to teach
management skills.” And while Cabinet secretaries may have
their respective expertise, they can’t be assumed to function
efficiently and operate like a team in support of the president’s
agenda – especially when they are a new team. Could we learn
something from the Romney team?
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